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By Miriam Berger, The Nation, October 4th, 2017
The political front is stalemated, and the occupation grinds on—but some Palestinians are creating their own facts on the ground.
Labor leader Hatem Abu Ziadeh has quietly made history. In February, the 45-year-old Palestinian father of six from Jericho sat down with Morris Zarfati, the owner of the Zarfati car-repair garage in the Mishor Adumim Industrial Zone in the Israeli-occupied West Bank. For years a “war” had raged between the two men following Abu Ziadeh’s unionizing work and subsequent dismissal from the garage. Now, over tea and smiles, they came to a collective-bargaining agreement that improved wages and working conditions for Abu Ziadeh and his fellow employees, a first for Palestinians working for Israelis in the West Bank.
Zarfati garage workers also benefited from the support of WAC-MAAN, a small, independent Israeli labor organization that’s openly against the occupation. “The [Israeli] settlers want Israeli law to apply here,” explained Yoav Tamir, a rare Arabic-speaking Israeli organizer. “But when it’s about worker rights, they argue that it’s Jordanian law,” which is still on the books in the West Bank. (Jordanian law, when applied, concerns only Palestinians and not Israelis living in the West Bank, who are subject to Israeli law.)
Overall, WAC-MAAN paid about $20,000 in legal expenses to get Abu Ziadeh reinstated, according to Tamir. Under the new collective-bargaining agreement, the employer covers the remaining legal fees. Each employee also receives an average compensation of 35,000 shekels (nearly $10,000) for lost payment. Going forward, the workers will get vacation and sick days, as well as a minimum wage (and, at last, official pay slips), with a structure in place for pay raises based on years worked.
Not all Palestinians welcome the help from Israelis like Tamir, which runs afoul of the Palestinian anti-normalization movement. The Palestinian Authority has even forbidden Palestinians—if only symbolically, since the PA has no enforcement mechanism—from working in Israeli settlements and industrial zones. Unionization also threatens the status of middlemen, who can earn a princely sum procuring coveted and costly Israeli work permits. The Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions, itself a complicated and political body, has no jurisdiction in Israeli settlements.
Still, Abu Ziadeh continues to spread the union gospel. Across Israel, unionizing has been on the rise since the 2011 social-justice protests against the high cost of living and the passage of pro-union legislation. The once nearly all-powerful Histadrut, Israel’s largest and state-aligned trade union, is now trying to rebrand itself, after years of decline, as a workers’ organization that transcends Israel’s religious, racial, and geographic divides.
But Histadrut never returned Abu Ziadeh’s calls, so he turned to the newer WAC-MAAN instead. He’s now working to educate more workers about their rights. A couple of a months ago, 20 carpentry workers, also from the Mishor Adumim Industrial Zone, became the second group of Palestinian laborers to officially unionize, and like Abu Ziadeh and his fellow workers, they did so through WAC-MAAN, according to Tamir.How far economic grievances—and there are many among both Israelis and Palestinians these days—can go in reorienting political interests toward worker solidarity across national and religious lines remains to be seen. But labor organizing now has a lifeline at a time when creativity on the Israeli-Palestinian political front is depressingly low and questions over the future of Israel’s settlements loom large. In the meantime, Abu Ziadeh is not holding his breath for any politician to end the occupation. His union is creating its own facts on the ground.
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